Benefits from the social insurance are not the only compensation
in periods of income loss. The total compensation can be described
as a benefit triangle where the base of the triangle is the public
social insurance. Collectively bargained supplementary
compensations and personal insurances build on the base of the
triangle. The purpose of this study is to examine if collectively
bargained and personal supplementary compensations affect labor
Collectively bargained insurances and benefits
Supplementary compensations add to all social insurances. In this
report we focus on collectively bargained compensations and
personal insurance that supplement sickness benefit, disability
pension and unemployment insurance benefit.
Supplementary compensations cover all employees of a firm if
the employer has signed a collectively bargained agreement. The
employee does not need to be a member of a union to be covered.
According to the National Mediation Office, 3.6 million employees
are covered by collective agreements. This corresponds to 91
However, not all employees covered by collective agreements
qualify for collectively bargained supplementary compensation if
they fall ill, are disability pensioned or unemployed. To qualify for
compensation many agreements require a period of employment.
Some agreements also have an age limit, i.e. that the employee has
to have reached a certain age or older to qualify for compensation.
The percentage of people who qualify for collectively bargained
supplementary compensations is much higher at sickness and
disability than at unemployment. The percentages who qualify for
supplementary compensation due to unemployment vary much
Conclusion between industries and sectors since the requirements on tenure
The compensation decided upon in collective agreements are
usually designed to (i) increase the replacement level below the
ceiling in the social insurance, (ii) give income replacement above
the ceiling, and (iii) in some cases also extend the benefit period.
According to some agreements, the benefit is instead paid as a
lump sum. Compensations are either constructed as agreement-
based insurances or agreement-based benefits paid directly by the
If the collectively bargained supplementary sickness and
unemployment replacement rate exceeds a specified level, the social
insurance compensation is reduced. There are no such restrictions,
however, regarding collectively bargained supplementary disability
pensions. The requirement to get collectively bargained
supplementary compensation at sickness is in all sectors except the
local government one (municipalities and county councils) that
sickness benefit from the social insurance has been granted.
For most employees, the collectively bargained supplementary
sickness and unemployment compensations are paid from
insurance companies or the employer without a separate
application, but there are some exceptions where the employee has
to apply. This is not a problem if the employee has information
that he or she is covered by the insurance. An earlier study
(Sjögren Lindquist and Wadensjö, 2007) shows however that
between 15 to 40 percent of those who met the requirements of the
collectively bargained supplementary sickness insurances AGS(-
KL) did not receive insurance benefits. The primary explanation
for this is probably lack of information; they did not know that
they had insurance coverage and, hence, did not apply for benefits
Social insurance can also be supplemented by other private
insurances, personal insurances, than those agreed upon in
collective agreements. These personal insurances are either group
insurances, through e.g. a union, or individual insurances. In many
cases, supplementary group insurance is included in the union’s
membership fee. There are personal insurances that supplement the
Conclusion public unemployment insurance, sickness insurance, disability
pension, work injury insurance and old age pension. This report
covers private insurances that supplement the public
unemployment insurance, sickness insurance and disability
The personal supplementary insurances are designed as monthly
benefits or as lump sum benefits paid according to long-term
illness and/or when certain diagnoses are made. Most personal
sickness insurances are taken out as group insurances for union
members. Most unions offer supplementary sickness insurance to
their members. There is no legal upper limit for the personal
To be eligible for personal supplementary unemployment
insurance benefits, the claimant has to be eligible for public
unemployment insurance. For most personal supplementary
sickness insurances, the claimant has to be granted sickness or
disability compensation from the public social insurance to be
granted benefits from the private insurance. An insured has to
apply for personal supplementary sickness or unemployment
compensation from the insurance company – it is not paid out
automatically. It is likely, especially for group insurance included in
the union membership fee, that many of those who have personal
supplementary sickness, disability or unemployment insurance do
not know that they are covered and therefore do not apply for
compensation. Some of the unions have started to send a
registration form for the personal insurance to unemployed
members who apply for public unemployment insurance.
The private insurance market has grown rapidly during the last
decade. In the year 2009, 70 percent of all union members (2.3
million employees) were covered by a personal supplementary
unemployment group insurance included in the union membership.
Statistics from the Swedish Insurance Federation show that almost
1.5 million are covered by a personal supplementary sickness
insurance giving monthly benefits. As many as 2.1 million are
covered by endowment (lump-sum) sickness insurance. These
numbers can be compared with the 4.8 million who belong to the
Conclusion Supplementary compensations and labor supply
How can supplementary compensations affect labor supply?
According to economic search theory, the length of
unemployment is affected by the replacement level in the
unemployment insurance and the maximal length of the benefit
period. The higher the replacement level, the higher the
requirements on wages and the jobs the unemployed accept.
Hence, the unemployment spell will be longer if the replacement
level is high than if it is low. The probability to leave
unemployment increases as the allowed benefit period comes to an
end, as the individual’s requirements on wages and job tasks
decline. The shorter the maximal benefit period is, the shorter the
average unemployment spell will be. As collectively bargained
supplementary unemployment compensation and personal
unemployment insurance increase the total unemployment
compensation, and in some cases also increase the length of the
benefit period, individuals can better afford being unemployed.
Requirements on wages and job tasks can be higher when searching
for a new job. Hence, collectively bargained supplementary
unemployment compensations and personal unemployment
insurances are expected to increase the average length of
In the same spirit we can argue that labor supply is affected by
supplementary sickness compensations. If it is high, the individual
can better afford to be absent from work. The smaller the
difference between wage and sickness benefits, the higher the
probability that an individual will call in sick. If the maximum
sickness benefit period is long, the individual can be on sick leave
for a longer time since income is secured. As collectively bargained
supplementary compensations and personal supplementary
insurances increase the total sickness benefit, people can better
The discussion above builds on that people respond to
economic incentives. Of course, there are other factors that
influence the probability to become unemployed, the length of the
unemployment spell and sickness absence. An individual cannot,
for example, influence plant closure, downsizing, restructuring of
the labor market and changes in demand for different skills.
Sickness usually occurs randomly and often the individual cannot
Conclusion affect the speed of recovery or the supply and quality of medical
Another important factor affecting the take-up in the sickness
and unemployment insurances is institutions. It is not the
individual who decides the length of the sickness benefit spell or if
a disability pension is granted; medical doctors and the Social
Security Agency are gatekeepers. There is also an upper limit for
how many days sickness benefit can be granted. The
Unemployment Insurance Agencies decide upon granting
unemployment insurance and there is an upper limit for the length
Another important factor in determining the take-up rate is
knowledge about the complementary insurances. If the level of
knowledge about insurance is low, the individual will make other
decisions than if it is high. General knowledge about the
supplementary insurances is not as good as the knowledge of the
social insurances and in many cases the individual has to apply for
insurance claims on his own. If the individual does not know he is
covered by a supplementary insurance, an application for insurance
benefit is not filed. In this case, labor supply is of course not
affected by the presence of supplementary compensations.
What is the evidence from research? Most empirical research
shows that both the replacement rate and the maximal length of
the benefit period increase work absence. Research on disability
pensions shows that the presence of disability pensions as well as
the size of the benefit has a negative effect on labor supply.
There are only two empirical studies on Swedish collectively
bargained supplementary compensations. One of them shows that
one collectively bargained supplementary sickness insurance has a
negative effect on labor supply (Hesselius and Persson, 2007). The
other study shows that the probability to go back to work after a
long spell of sickness is lower for those who have higher
collectively bargained supplementary sickness compensation than
for those who have a lower one (Arbetsgivarverket, 2007). That
study also shows that among those who are sick for a long period
and who have high collectively bargained supplementary disability
pension are more likely to leave the labor force with a disability
pension than those with a low collectively bargained supplementary
For this report, we have conducted two empirical studies on
collectively bargained supplementary compensations. First, we
Conclusion study if there is a pattern regarding the days on sickness absence
after a work injury has occurred that indicates that the collectively
bargained supplementary work injury insurance TFA/PSA affects
labor supply. We expected that the fraction of work injured
returning to work just before the 15th day on sick leave would be
low and that the fraction returning from the 15th day on would be
high since TFA/PSA is granted first after 15 days of sickness
absence, and then also for the 15 preceding days. We found no
support for our hypothesis. Instead, our analysis shows that more
than 50 percent of all absence spells after a work injury has
occurred is finished within a week. We see an increase in the return
to work after one week precisely, but also after two and three
weeks precisely. This is probably a result of the demand for a
medical note after seven days of sickness absence to continue to be
granted sickness benefits, and the medical doctor’s choice of
recommended period of sick leave (in weeks and not in days). Our
results underline that institutions are important for the take-up
rate. In this case, medical doctors are gatekeepers in the public
Second, we study if a decrease in the replacement level in the
collectively bargained supplementary disability pension for
government employees that applied from 1 January 2008 led to that
fewer government employees applied for a disability pension. We
found no support for our hypothesis. One explanation may be that
the five percentage points decrease was too small to affect
application behavior. After the decrease, the replacement level for
government employees was still higher than for employees in other
sectors. Another explanation may be lack of information. If
government employees did not know about the decrease in the
replacement level, the timing of their disability pension application
was not affected by the decrease. Since many lack information
about the collectively bargained supplementary compensation they
are covered by, this could explain our result. On the other hand,
those who apply for disability pensions have almost always been on
sick leave with sickness benefits for a long period before applying
for disability insurance. The collectively bargained supplementary
sickness benefit for government employees is paid out
automatically to individuals on sick leave. Hence, this group should
be well informed about the existence of collectively bargained
supplementary compensations and hence search for information on
supplementary disability pensions. Another possible explanation
Conclusion for our result is that the capacity for work of those who apply for a
disability pension is so poor so they would apply for a disability
pension regardless of the level of the replacement level.
Do collectively bargained supplementary compensations affect
labor supply? Hesselius and Persson (2007) show that an increase
in the replacement level from 80 to 90 percent in the collectively
bargained supplementary sickness insurance AGS-KL covering
employees in the local government sector with a long term sickness
absence spell led to an average prolongation of absence spells by
five days. Vilhelmsson (Arbetsgivarverket, 2007) shows that
government employees have a higher probability to be granted
disability pensions and lower probability to go back to work when
absent due to sickness than employees in other sectors. He
interprets this as a result of that government employees have
higher collectively bargained replacement levels than employees in
other sectors. Our studies on TFA/PSA and collectively bargained
supplementary disability pension are two examples of that
collectively bargained supplementary compensations or changes in
These four studies differ in various respects. The supplements
are not studied during the same time period, the quality of the
information regarding the compensations and changes in them may
have been different. In one study, an increase of the replacement
level is studied and in another a decrease is studied. Our conclusion
is that we cannot state that all or none of the collectively bargained
supplementary compensations or changes in them affect labor
supply. We instead conclude that it is important to analyze the
different collectively bargained supplementary compensations
separately, to analyze both increases and decreases in the
replacement level and compare effects between different time
periods. Further, the level of the compensation may be important.
An increase from 60 to 70 percent can have a different effect on
labor supply than an increase from 80 to 90 percent or from 90 to
100 percent – the relationship is not necessarily linear. It should be
underlined that supplementary compensations are relatively
unknown and that the effects on labor supply may increase if
people are informed about them better through, for example,
Two other conclusions are that the compensation systems are
very complex and hard to overview and that there is close interplay
between the public social insurances, collectively bargained
Conclusion supplementary compensations and other private insurances. The
replacement levels in the collectively bargained supplementary
compensations usually follow the replacement levels of the social
security insurances, either by renegotiations or by automatic
adjustments. Compensation from supplementary insurances is
usually paid out if the Social Insurance Administration Office or
the Unemployment Insurance Offices have granted social
insurance compensations or unemployment insurance benefits,
respectively. Hence, politicians and other decision-makers should
know how the different insurance systems supplement each other
and how changes in the public social insurances affect other
Conclusion
1042-2587-01-262Copyright 2003 byBaylor University E T P Anne Evans: Assessment of a Biotechnology Market Opportunity Anne G. Evans Nikhil P. Varaiya This case describes Anne Evans’ search for a market opportunity in the biotechnology industry, and examines the feasibility of establishing a new venture to exploit this oppor- tunity. The drug development process in the biopharmaceutical in
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